“Without increased action by the international community, the total collapse of state presence in the capital could become a very real scenario,” warned Miroslav Jenca, UN Assistant Secretary-General, at a recent Security Council briefing. That’s not hyperbole. In Port-au-Prince, criminal gangs now exert an estimated 90% control over the capital, and their influence is spreading fast into southern and eastern Haiti via key crossings like Belladere and Malpasse, where attacks on police and customs officials have been reported (NPR).
The story of Haiti’s gang crisis is one of power vacuums, political gridlock, and a state struggling to hold its ground. Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, the country has had no elected president, and attempts at transitional governance have been marred by competing ambitions and corruption allegations (Global Initiative). This instability has allowed criminal groups to expand their reach, not just geographically but into the very fabric of daily life—paralyzing commerce, disrupting food and fuel supplies, and creating “parallel governance structures” where the state once stood (UN News).
The humanitarian toll is staggering. Over one million people have been displaced, half of them children, and half the population faces acute hunger (Amnesty International). Hospitals have shuttered as gangs target medical facilities, and aid organizations are forced to negotiate with armed groups just to deliver basic services (IRC). The violence is especially brutal: in 2024 alone, more than 5,600 people were killed, and sexual violence has surged, with 364 incidents documented in just two months (CBC).
Gangs like Viv Ansanm and Gran Grif, recently designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the U.S., have weaponized violence to gain revenue and bargaining power, often acting as proxies for political actors seeking to destabilize the transition process (Fox News). Their rise is not a sudden phenomenon but the result of decades of entanglement between politics and organized crime. The roots stretch back to the Tonton Macoute militia of the Duvalier era, evolving through years of coups, foreign interventions, and the systematic weakening of Haiti’s state institutions (ReVista).
International efforts to restore order have faced immense challenges. The Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, authorized by the UN Security Council, was envisioned as a 2,500-strong force but currently operates at just 16% of planned capacity due to funding shortfalls and logistical hurdles (UN Press). “The 413 boots on the ground from Belize, Bahamas, Jamaica and Kenya are too few for the task at hand,” said Monica Juma, Kenya’s National Security Advisor. Calls to transform the MSS into a full-fledged UN peacekeeping operation have sparked debate, with some nations citing the failures and abuses of past missions—like the cholera outbreak and sexual exploitation scandals linked to MINUSTAH—as reasons for caution (Boston University).
Meanwhile, the Haitian National Police are overwhelmed, with only about 9,000 officers for a nation of over 11 million, and reports of extrajudicial killings and collusion with vigilante groups muddying the waters of accountability (CFR). Vigilante justice has surged, with groups like Bwa Kale reportedly killing hundreds of suspected gang members, but experts warn these groups risk becoming as dangerous as the gangs themselves.
For those tracking Caribbean security and governance, Haiti is a sobering case study in how fragile states can unravel when political dysfunction, economic desperation, and unchecked violence collide. The international community faces a dilemma: how to support Haitian-led solutions without repeating the mistakes of past interventions, and how to provide urgent security assistance that is both effective and accountable (Global Observatory). The stakes could not be higher, as every day of delay risks deepening a crisis that has already pushed millions to the edge.
